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1. Introduction: Some basic concepts and distinctions

LAM is an acronym for libraries, archives, and museums, indicating that these different institutions [1] have been considered together and therefore have something in common. Historically, all LAMs are ‘collecting institutions’ that are concerned with collecting, documenting, preserving, and organizing different kinds of → documents [2]. All three kinds of institutions may be public or private (non-profit or for-profit), and we therefore disagree with definitions that limit these concepts to non-profit institutions [3]. In this section we are drawing on some core concepts (document, print, publication, literature, record, information and cultural heritage), which are presented in Appendix 1, but should be read together with Section 1.1.

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1.1 Brief characterization of the difference between the LAMs

A characterization of the difference between the LAMs and their hybrid counterparts may be formulated this way:

• Libraries [4] focus on the collection of published documents (publications), which for a long period was practically considered synonym for printed materials [5]. Before printing was invented, libraries collected tablets, scrolls, sheets of papyrus and hand-bound, elaborate manuscripts known as codices. Later in the development of libraries print materials were extended to other media such as music records and film, and today to electronic media (much of the non-printed materials in libraries is harder to distinguish from archival materials). Publications mostly exist in many identical copies (e.g., in other libraries), and as a rule they are not unique (although the Internet has changed this, as we shall see below). However, the multiplication of books was not unknown before print [6] and copied books and manuscripts may have some similarity to the concept of “publications” [7]. Libraries also need to be characterized by their functions: libraries and books are mainly for study (whereas archives and records are mainly serving administrative purposes) [8]. Their dominant way of communicating information to users is by providing physical access to documents (by reading rooms, borrowing services, copying facilities and online). In addition, they build collections of reference works and databases, which serve the function of document and information searching. Libraries also serve recreational reading (just as archives and museums also serve recreational activities, which perhaps, in an increasingly commercial context, is one of the reasons they for many appear to be similar).

• Archives [9] focus on the collection of unpublished documents, often called “records” [10]. These may be texts, pictures, written music etc., but generally not three-dimensional objects. As a rule, each record is unique [11]. Archival records tend to have been naturally and necessarily generated as a product of regular legal, commercial, administrative, or social activities, rather than as deliberate attempts to provide tools for learning and research [12]. A society needs population registers, for example, for collecting taxes and recruiting soldiers, and deeds for document property rights. All organizations and institutions produce records. Churches, for example, made the parish registers (which today are often kept in governmental public archives such as county archives, and are often digitalized and much used for genealogical research). Records tend to be so numerous that just a fragment is selected and preserved in archives and partly of that reason, the focus in archives is seldom at the description of individual records, but rather on a body of records (see Thibodeau 2015) [13]. Archives have a secondary function serving research, for which their records often are considered primary sources of evidence. Distinctions between library documents versus archive documents seems to go far back in time [14], although Hedstrom and King (2003 [12] [15]) found that “the articulation of libraries as collections of published works and archives as repositories of unpublished primary sources is a relatively recent aberration that developed as a consequence of industrial rationalization and specialization and that is increasingly difficult to sustain in light of the potential for digital convergence”.

• Museums [16] focus on the collection of physical, three dimensional objects (museum objects or museological objects) [17]. Examples are cultural products like clothes, furniture, musical instruments, paintings, sculpture, tools etc. or natural phenomena like animals, minerals, plants etc. (specimens). Such objects are usually unique, and the concept “authenticity” often plays an important role here, although there are exceptions, mostly perhaps in science museums. (See Brenna, Dam Christensen and Hamran 2019 about the role of copies in museums.) Remark that museum objects are considered documents according to the documentation tradition (see Appendix 1.1), and the issue whether some types of documents should be kept in libraries rather than museums was also discussed by Kyle (1959, 19). Museums seem, like libraries, to have their primary roles as institutes for learning [18]. Exhibitions and narratives are for them dominant ways of communicating information to users (including what has been called “object lessons”) [19].

• Converged (or hybrid, merged, aggregated, amalgamated, lumped) institutions are institutions that combine library, archive, and museum functions. Different generic labels have been attached to such converged institutions [20] and there are different meanings of the word convergence in this context [21]. Different terms for kinds of merging are “institutional convergence” (Vårheim, Skare and Lenstra 2019), “physical convergence” (Warren and Matthews 2019) or “digital convergence” (searchable by the same query). Robinson (2019, 10) wrote:

  Reflecting the fluidity of the convergence model and the variety of converged institutions that have come into being, a strong and binding definition of ‘convergence’ remains elusive. The blanket usage of the term conceals the diversity of institutional partnerships, mergers and restructures it is used to describe. Converged or hybrid institutions differ considerably at the level of sharing and collaboration between the constituent organisations. There appears to be no consensus surrounding the explicit meaning of the term and what exactly it entails for the design of staff roles, institutional missions and public programs.

  Further (Robinson 2019, 11):

  genuine convergence is a situation where organisations become integrated and mutually reliant to a point where they can no longer function as autonomous units. Bastian and Harvey (2012) elaborated the model by identifying three key facets of convergence: the co-existence and integration of different kinds of collection documentation, the formulation of common information management practices and the leveraging of traditional, domain-based processes towards the development of innovative cultural programs and services (Bastian and Harvey 2012, 2-3):

  A converging cultural heritage institution is one that combines library, archival and museum material, and is working towards a set of standards and best practices that unites traditional theory and operations from each.

Before we consider the relation between LAMs further, we need to consider the wide spectrum of libraries, archives, and museums.

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1.2 Kinds of LAMs

The lists of kinds of LAM institutions presented below are neither exclusive nor exhaustive but are made here to give an impression of the wide spectrum of institutions, with which we are dealing. Further information and references about some of these are provided in the notes.

Kinds of libraries include:

• National libraries [22]
• Research and educational (or academic) libraries [23]
• Public libraries [24] (including children libraries)
• Private libraries (including corporate libraries)
• Digital libraries [25]

Kinds of archives include:

• National archives [26] (with government archives)
• Academic archives (with institutional repositories)
• Business archives (in for-profit institutions) [27]
• Archives of religious institutions/church archives
• Film archives (“cinematheques”) [28]
• Digital archives, digital repositories, and web archives [29]

Kinds of museums include:

• National museums [30]
• Cabinets of curiosities / Wunderkammern [31]
• Museums focusing on natural history and natural objects, for example:
  • Natural history museums, specializing in, for example, (dead) animals and plants, minerals and gems
  • Botanical gardens, zoological gardens, safari parks, and planetaria (although normally not considered museums, at least some of them are “collecting institutions” and all seems in to fulfill similar purposes. Zoos were explicitly considered by Briet (1951) to be part of documentation)
• Museums focusing on aspects of human history and culture, for example:
  • Art museums [32]
  • Local museums (including city museums)
  • Military museums
  • Science and technology museums focusing on the history of science and humanly constructed technological products such as airplanes, cars, instruments, weapons etc. (often including natural objects)
• Ecomuseums (which seems partly to challenge the understanding of museums as collections in a traditional sense) [33]
• Virtual museums/digital museums [34]

It is not possible in the present article to study possible tendencies towards convergence of all such different kinds of LAMs, but clearly the full spectrum of institutions should be kept in mind in order not to overgeneralize. As Martin (2007, 84) wrote — exemplifying with museums:

My point is simply that we must not base assessments of overlapping missions and potential convergence on misleading stereotyped notions of what museums [or libraries or archives] are and what they do. Some museums are much more like libraries than they are like other museums. I would assert, for example, that natural science museums, with their taxonomic collections, have more in common with research libraries, in both their processes and their use, than they have with art museums.

It may also be the case, that generic terms suggested for LAMs are better suited to some kind compared to others. For example, cultural heritage institution may better fit national libraries and museums than public libraries, while information institution may be a more appropriate term for research libraries than for art museums or for public libraries.

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2. A brief history of relationships between LAMs

Although the present paper focuses on the current tendency of the convergence of the LAMs, it is also important to examine why they were separated in the first hand, or whether they were so from the beginning? What are the arguments for and against convergence? In other words, it is important to consider both the drivers towards convergence as the drivers towards divergence.

Some authors (e.g., Given and McTavish 2010; Marcum 2014; Rayward 1998) indicate that the LAMs formerly were not separated, and they therefore consider contemporary tendencies towards convergence to be a reconvergence of LAMs. On the other hand, the separate developments of LAMs also seem to be deeply rooted in historically developed cultural practices, probably most clearly seen in how archives developed as necessary collections for administrations to maintain social order by different spheres of society.

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2.1 Ancient institutions

Under the headline “Institutional Form and Function Since the Dawn of Time”, Cunningham (2017, 181) wrote:

Posner [1972, 71-85] has argued that the first archives were created by the Sumerians in the middle of the fourth millennium B.C. These records took the form of clay tablets with cuneiform characters. The archives were used to support commercial activity and property ownership. Later ancient societies such as the Hittites, Assyrians, and Mesopotamians all kept archives, although one can only speculate today on just how institutionalized these archives were and what form, if any, such institutions took? In at least some of these societies, archives were kept in temples and courts for religious, legal, administrative, commercial, and genealogical purposes.

Posner (1972) further wrote that Greco-Roman Egypt offers to the historian of archives administration a nearly perfect example of a bureaucratic autocracy whose functioning was based on intensive use and remarkable care of the written record, which could not function without a well-staffed clerical apparatus. Moreover:

To carry out this process [of looting Egypt for its resources], the centralizing character of Egyptian government, obvious under the Pharaohs, was not only preserved but intensified, so that Egypt under the Romans has been described as the biggest business organization of the Ancient World. Alexandria became the seat of the government and of its chief officers […] (Posner 1972, 136)
We do not know what the archives buildings in Alexandria and in the nomes looked like [the nomes were the thirty-six territorial divisions of ancient Egypt]. The latter were undoubtedly rather modest. Those in Alexandria might have been more substantial structures; and, since the physical make-up of archives did not differ from that of library material, the remnants of Hadrian's library in Athens and those of the Ephesus library may give us some idea of the arrangements in the Alexandria archives. (Posner 1972, 154)

Thus, the special development of ancient archives may be explained by the special functions they served supporting a broad variety of administrative practices and they seems not to be integrated LAM institutions (see further in Brosius 2003). But what about the library and the museum of Alexandria? Were they integrated or separate institutions? Erskine (1995, 38) describe them as separate, although “linked” [35] institutions:

Within the palace complex in Alexandria, the city founded by Alexander in Egypt, a community of scholars was established in what was known as the Museum (or Mouseion); linked to this was a library, the Great Library of Alexandria. These two institutions are often celebrated for their role in the history of scholarship, but they were also the products of the Hellenistic age and of the competition which arose between the successors of Alexander.

It seems not strange, that the museum and the library were connected, since both institutions served learning. Erskine (1995, 38):

The Museum was a community of scholars which was both academic and religious. It was religious in so far as it was centred on a shrine of the Muses, the Greek deities of artistic and intellectual pursuits, hence the name, the Museum. These scholars were engaged in the study of science (for instance, medicine, mathematics, astronomy) and in the study of literature (editing the major Greek texts such as Homer). As well as studying they seem also to have act as teachers.

Centers for learning and science need libraries, as well as, for example, observatories, botanical gardens, museum collections etc. [36] Therefore, libraries and museums seem functionally more related to each other compared to archives, which mainly serve administrative purposes, but this does not make them “converged” institutions. Of course, such a division is never absolute, libraries may contain museum objects and archival records, museums may contain library collections and archival records, and archives may also contain documents mainly connected to libraries and museums, but still, they may maintain their separate identities.

Our reading does therefore not support the claim made by Robinson (2019, 12) [37], quoting Martin (2007, 81) [38] that the ancient library of Alexandria was an archetypal converged collecting institution.

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2.2 Institutions in the Middle Ages through the Early Modern period

Friedrich (2018) has the title The Birth of the Archive: A History of Knowledge and describes the emergence of public archives. A reviewer summarized it (Schreibman 2019, 202):

For those in power, archives reinforced their claim to power, be it social, legal, political, or religious. Laws could only be upheld if they were written down and legal disputes could only be solved upon examination of the written record. Archives upheld the social order, or so the ruling establishment thought (and expected).
And it was not just jurisprudence that owed its birth to the archive, but cartography. Those who controlled the maps controlled the territory. Maps and words became the new technologies of the Middle Ages and the Early Modern period. Archives could become the bridge between knowledge and power, not simply by their existence, but through what Friedrich terms a complex “activation” process that could be abused and misused, especially through the “ploys of power-hungry early modern princes.

The impression is that archives in this period continue to be separate institutions strongly linked with administrative functions. The relation between libraries and museums provides, however, a different impression.

A frequently used example of pre-modern convergence is the cabinet of curiosities (or Wunderkammern), where “cabinet” may refer to a room or to a piece of furniture. The first cabinets of curiosities emerge just before the turn of the Sixteenth century; they could contain any notable objects. Roppola (2012, 13) wrote, citing Hudson (1987, 21) that the “meaning of ‘curious’ in the sixteenth to eighteenth centuries was not foremostly ‘strange, odd, queer’, but a curiosity spurring learning” and that collecting curiosities signified an inquisitive, open mind. In modern terminology, the objects could be a mixture of art, ethnography, natural items, religious relics or other valuable objects but, for pre-modern collectors, there were no sharp distinctions between documents, books and objects. In museum studies, the cabinets of curiosities are perceived to be a precursor to the modern museum because they were collections, but they did not allow public access (Roppola 2012), and as Zytaruk (2011, 1) wrote: “If cabinets were implicated in new taxonomic projects to order the natural world, they also acted as preserves of older, more imaginative readings of nature” [39].

One example of a cabinet of curiosities is the one made by the Irish physician sir Hans Sloane, who collected more than 71,000 items before his death in 1753. His huge collection consisted of different kinds of items: 50,000 books, hundreds of herbariums, thousands of objects from ancient times, etc. It contained specimens of plants, animals, birds, fossils, minerals, as well as antiquities, works of art, coins, books and ethnographic materials. After his death, the collections became the core of the British Museum, the Natural History Museum, and the British Library (Delbourgo 2017).

Another, but later, example is the collector Myron Eells, described by Paulus (2011). Eells was a missionary, scholar and collector, born in Canada in the Pacific Northwest in 1843. Throughout his life, Eells had a passionate interest in the Northwest, its people and religious institutions. For Eells, a natural outcome of this interest was a rapid growing collection, where records were mixed with books and artifacts. There is no doubt that Paulus (2011) saw Eells’ collection as a real case of a hybrid LAM, integrating all three institutions in one. Although this is clear enough about library and museum, the question whether Eells collection also was an archive is more problematic and is connected to the definition of records and archives. Paulus (2011, 195) wrote:

Like the earliest human collections, Eells's earliest collection was of records-writing intended “to make past experience available for future reference” [Posner 2003, xxxi; 14; 27-28; Casson 2001, 2-3] [40]. Eells kept archival and literary materials together, reflecting a view of documents that was not uncommon before mechanical reproduction helped divide documents into forms “directed toward a mass audience” and those “grounded in personal interactions and organizational transactions” [41] [Jimerson 2009, 60; 64]. For Eells, both types of material were important sources for his inquiries [Eells catalog of his library, 30 and passim, Myron Eells Collection, Whitman College and Northwest Archive].

Paulus (2011, 186) also wrote: “As he spoke, Eells held in his hands and read from manuscripts of early missionaries” and “Eells also became a student and curator of "the written and unwritten records" of the people and places around him”.

Paulus understanding of archives and records corresponds to the kind of materials (like letters) which are often found both in archives and in libraries, but not to the archetypal archival records connected to administration. We tend therefore to understand Eells’ collection (as well as cabinets of curiosities in general) as exemplifying hybrids between libraries and museums, but not to the same degree including archives. This view is supported by the fate of the collection: after Eells’ death in 1907, huge parts of his collection were donated to Whitman College, where the objects, Eells´ notes, photographs, and drawings were the foundation of a new ethnological museum, while the books became a special collection in the library. Today, as already mentioned, cabinets of curiosities are often considered forerunners of the modern museum (Impey and MacGregor 1985).

The literature about cabinets of curiosities seems to indicate that they combined books and “objects” and either serving as simple entertainment and as a mean to establish of status for its owner, or, when more serious purposes were fulfilled, they were closely connected to science and learning although there were mixed opinions about their relevance [42].

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2.3 Institutions in the modern and late-modern period

It was not until the British Library Act 1972 that the British Library was detached from the British Museum (and the British Museum still contains its own libraries, as do many other museums) [43]. An argument for keeping L, A and M institutions together is that any study of a specific issue (e.g., an artist) demands access to the works by this artist, the literature about her and the correspondence and other archival records by or on that person. Therefore, collections of L, A and M are often kept together, in particular in subject specialized institutions [44]. The main argument for separating the British Library from the British Museum was probably that the British Library is part of a national system of libraries, coordinating their processes, systems, and services [45].

Another example is that the British BFI National Archive (one of the largest film archives in the world) was founded as the National Film Library in 1935 but changed name to the National Film Archive in 1935 (and 1992 to the National Film and Television Archive, and in 2006 to BFI National Archive). What, if anything, is the difference between a film library and a film archive? If we emphasize that the library collects publications (and today often lends documents), while the archive collects documents that are unique, we may suggest, that if films in the BFI National Archive are mainly unique, the term archive seems justified, but the example demonstrates that the terminology is loose.

While the above examples are mainly terminological, other examples are clear examples of hybrid institutions. According to Given and McTavish (2010), the natural history societies that sprang up at the end of the Nineteenth century also combined collections of objects and books. The aim of the natural history societies was to educate the local inhabitants and, for many of the founding fathers of the societies, a proper way of obtaining knowledge was to combine books on natural science with collections of minerals, dried plants, and stuffed animals, etc. The objects illustrated the topics in the books and the books described the objects in the exhibits. Therefore, some of the natural history societies were a library and a museum at the same time.

The mixture of books and objects can also be traced in the American public libraries around the turn of the Twentieth century. According to Dilevko and Gotlieb (2003) the vision of combining books and objects was not uncommon among the founding fathers of public libraries. One of the most prominent examples is J. Cotton Dana, who is perceived today as a pioneer in both the history of public libraries (Mattson 2000) and museum studies (Anderson 2012). As a director of Newark Public Library, he established a museum within the library and sought to make both institutions relevant to the daily lives of the citizens. Dana perceived that many of the museums in his time were “mausoleums of curios”. Instead of this, he wanted his museum to be “a living, active and effective institution”. However, Dana was not only creating a seamless cultural institution, but he was also designing exhibits in new ways. An example is Dana’s description of an exhibit of porcelain in the Newark library-museum. Dilevko and Gotlieb (2003, 187-8):

In the pottery and porcelain exhibit of 1915, people in large groups, and especially children, stood in fascination before a potter at work. They saw the relation between ancient and modern processes, traced through tools, designs, forms, and objects, the primitive bowl or jar, the modern teacup or bathtub.

Some other cultural institutions may disguise that they are integrated LAMs. One example is the European Solidarity Centre in Gdansk, which honors the victorious Solidarity movement. For most visitors, the Centre is primarily a museum, because of their well-attended exhibition, but the Centre also provides access to a library and an archive. This type of cultural institution (combining a library, an archive, and a museum) can also be found in the fields of architecture and cinematography (Beasley 2007).

However, ongoing professionalization throughout the Twentieth century can be seen as supporting the differences between and the separation of the LAMs. In the case of Eells, his collection was split and distributed to a library and a museum. The manuscript and archival records were managed by the library (Paulus 2011, 193).

According to Given and McTavish (2010), for the Carnegie Corporation of New York (founded by the Scottish American industrialist and philanthropist), distinct professionalism was a prerequisite for financial support to libraries and museums. Therefore, the history of the LAMs in the Twentieth century is the history of a divergent development due to the increased separation of books, documents, objects, and professionalization (Tanackovic and Badurina 2009).

Marcum (2014, 82) found that in the Twentieth century the separation of LAM professions became complete:

Slowly, professionalism within these collecting institutions evolved. Starting in the late nineteenth century, separate professional societies appeared: in 1876 the American Library Association, in 1906 the American Association of Museums, in 1936 the Society of American Archivists. The latter came out of the American Historical Association, founded, in 1884, as did the American Association for State and Local History, representing historical societies, in 1940. These associations held their own conferences, published their own journals, and created their own professional standards and codes of ethics [46]. And separate educational programs developed to teach what had become the methodological particularities of each field. Thus in the twentieth century the separation of professions as well as of types of collecting institutions became complete.

This separation of collections and their professionals seems to contrast with the modern urge to classify the entire world. The Belgian lawyer and documentalist Paul Otlet (1868-1944), for example, who designed the Universal Decimal Classification (UDC) to classify documents also thought of it as a system for classifying objects. Wright (2014, 224) mentions how Otlet encountered some jellyfish on the beach and labeled them 59.33, the (now obsolete) UDC code for Coelenterata. His dream was clearly to make one unified classification of publications, records, and objects, anything in the world. Corresponding to this principle, LAMs, as a main rule, try to classify their objects in accordance with scholarly conceptions and classifications. Miksa (1994,147) discussed the background for modern → library classifications such as the Dewey Decimal Classification (DDC):

The seedbed for these efforts [about 1870] to organize the books in libraries was the set of beliefs already described pertaining to the idea of the universe of knowledge as it had developed over the previous three centuries. Pioneers in library classification such as Melvil Dewey and Charles A. Cutter, imbued with those beliefs through their education, simply took it for granted that the very best approach to the organization of a library’s books was to classify them systematically. The connection for them between a library's books and the organized universe of knowledge [provided by scientists/scholars and philosophers] was that the essential topic treated of in each book was the same as one of the elements of the universe of knowledge. When arranged according to those categories, a library's collection would then reflect the true organization of the universe of knowledge. This, in turn, would serve two purposes: First, it would aid in the library's role as an adjunct to education by providing a systematic basis for a librarian to determine the best books by the best authors for the mental cultivation of each reader. Second, it would provide a reliable retrieval device.

One example is the → Hornbostel-Sachs Classification of Musical Instruments (Lee 2020), which is used to classify musical instruments in ethnological museums but is also used in bibliographical systems (and for classifying articles about instruments in Wikipedia). This example underlines the principle, that classifications for LAMs tend to reflect classifications developed by scholarly research, and not to vary according to the kind of curating institution [46]. Although the systems for organizing documents may basically reflect “the universe of knowledge”/scientific taxonomies, they may still be modified according to practical demands. The Bliss Bibliographical Classification, 2nd ed., for example, classify chemical elements according to the Periodical Table, but also take the principle of → literary warrant into account [47].

A collection of books, a collection of records, and a collection of objects tend to be divided into different types of LAMs (Hvenegaard Rasmussen and Jochumsen 2007). This may be reinforced by different organizational contexts. In a Nordic context, public libraries, public archives, and museums have their own legislation and public funding, supporting a clear division of labor between the institutions. Within these different historical traditions, the LAMs have established different communities of users. Traditionally, scholars have been frequent users of research libraries and archives, whereas museums and public libraries normally have broader user-groups [48].

The different ways in which collections are divided within the three institutions reflect, according to Robinson (2012), that LAMs, on a general level, are dealing with memory in divergent ways. With point of departure in Hjørland (2000), she argues that the library is a machine for retrieving information. They have created sophisticated ways of selecting, classifying, organizing, and enabling frictionless access to the information embedded in the collections. Traditionally, libraries have tried to provide broad access to their entire collections by creating universal or special classification systems. Archives deal with memory in a different way. They primarily focus on preserving information contained in unique records. Traditional archives do not use universal classification systems and thesauruses, like libraries. Instead, the principle of provenance is the guiding light for storing archived documents. The principle of → provenance (or respect des fonds) dictates records of different origins (provenance) to be kept separate to preserve their context. The traditional archival imperative is to avoid placing layers of interpretation on the collection [49].

This difference between the subject approach (or the principle of pertinence) of libraries and the principle of provenance of archives is an example of how these institutions have moved apart, rather than approaching each other. Taylor (2015, 281; italics in original) wrote:

From the seventeenth to the early nineteenth century, archivists’ approaches to arrangement were influenced by libraries’ classification methods, so that arrangement schemes based on subject headings (pertaining to names of persons, places, and thematic keywords) were adopted, and provenance and original order were disregarded (Miller 1997 [50]). This made the task of arranging and describing extremely onerous: since the creators of the records had not arranged them according to subject, it was necessary to physically dismantle and rearrange the records after accessioning (Miller 1997). As a result, it was impossible for researchers to detect the relative importance of individual archival fonds within this new classification scheme, while, from a purely practical point of view, the allotment of storage space could not be determined in advance, and finding aids could never be finished, because accruals could be added to any section of the records, rendering the finding aid instantly out of date (Miller 1997). With the growth in complexity of administrative practices in the nineteenth century and the concomitant explosion of recordkeeping, the new government-run archives in France and Prussia found themselves overwhelmed by records, so that it was necessary to reassess the practicability of arranging records by pertinence (Miller 1997).

Therefore, while libraries have mainly relied on subject arrangements of their documents, the principle of provenance achieved dogmatic status in archives due to both practical and theoretical reasons [51] (although slower and more uneven in the USA due to significant influences from history and library science). The museums tend to follow the principle of subject arrangement of their objects. We have already encountered the Hornbostel-Sachs Classification of Musical Instruments. Other examples are the Art and Architecture Thesaurus (Getty Information Institute 2017) and the → Nomenclature for Museum Cataloging (Dunn and Bourcier 2020).

There are other conditions, that provide fundamental differences between knowledge organization in libraries as opposed to both archives and museums.

First, because library documents as a rule exist in many copies, in different libraries, the activities of describing, indexing, and classifying those documents need not be done by each library from the scratch but can for the most part be done collectively or by a central agency [52]. The resulting bibliographical records can be shared among the libraries (in union catalogs). National libraries mostly try to collect all publications published in their country and provide a national bibliography covering all those publications [53]. This is one reason that the focus of library science (or → library and information science, LIS) goes beyond the institution and has a strong interest in the universe of publications.

Another reason for a difference between libraries on the one side and archives and museums on the other side is that libraries traditionally have been core sites for document- and information searching. Among the publications they collect, the so-called reference works (bibliographies, encyclopedias, many kinds of handbooks etc.), play an important role by allowing users as well as staff to search documents and information in a systematic way. Again, this is a core activity for the library as an institution, but the focus of education and research in LIS is broadened to what has been termed “the universe of recorded knowledge”. To put things on the tip: for LIS, the main focus is not the library as institution, but the study of describing, → indexing, → classifying, searching and using publications in order to help users finding what Wilson (1968, 21) called “the best textual means to an end”.

A third reason for a different situation is the already mentioned issue, that libraries rapidly are developing “from collections to connections”: to the extent that this is the case, they do not, as archives and museums, owe the documents they mediate to users. They may provide kinds of classification and indexing (as mentioned this is today mostly centralized), but the best opportunities to create → metadata exists no longer by the libraries (even as a collective sector with central institutions), but by the publishers, who increasingly provide “digital libraries” and innovative search possibilities. One example is that publishers make their documents findable in different ways, including by search engines. Library catalogs play today a strongly reduced role compared to, for example, Google (Centre for Information Behaviour 2008). Another example is CrossRef, a mechanism allowing the user to click on a bibliographic reference in an article and thereby be connected to the online version of that document. This mechanism is developed by agreements among publishers, and even if the libraries normally have the role to pay toll-access for the users and we therefore do not have a full example of “library bypass”, it demonstrates the reduced role of libraries in their mediation of documents to the users.

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2.3.1 The Mundaneum and the Internet

The idea of integrating the LAMs seems to culminate in the ideas of the Mundaneum (an international documentation center), and of the Internet. Both seems to be the best realized dreams of cataloging or indexing the world, spanning all kind of documents (and facts/information) and to represent a culmination of modernist thought.

The Mundaneum was an idea and a project (or rather a family of projects) led by Otlet. His projects are described by, among others, Wright (2014). Together with another Belgian lawyer, Henri La Fontaine, Otlet embarked at the end of the Nineteenth century on an ambitious enterprise to create a comprehensive listing of everything that had been written since the invention of printing, a Répertoire bibliographique universel, in English the Universal Bibliographical Repertory (UBR), which was published by their Institut international de bibliographie (IIB). For this purpose, they developed (based on the Dewey Decimal Classification 5th edition from 1895) a new universal classification system, Classification décimale universelle (CDU) or in English Universal Decimal Classification (UDC) (first edition published in French 1907, since then numerous editions in many languages). UDC was originally designed to index the UBR but later became a classification system for many research libraries around the world. With the development of microfilm technology, Otlet planned to store full-text documents on standard-sized microfiche together with their bibliographic cards.

This UBR was a huge registry on indexing cards (11 million cards by 1914). It was not just a passive registry. Wright (2014, 160) wrote:

Otlet would eventually establish a research service that allowed researchers to submit queries via mail or telegraph. For the modest sum of 27 francs, anyone in the world could send in a request. Otlet's staff would then try to answer the question by poring through the catalog. Within a matter of months, with the world happily pursuing its prewar research and business enterprises, inquiries poured in from all over the world — more than 1,500 a year, on topics as diverse as boomerangs and Bulgarian finance.

UBR was, however, just the library part of the project. Otlet and Le Corbusier (1928) is a publication about Mundaneum which, according to Wright (2014, 183) would consist of five major components:

• The International Associations Building: a sprawling office complex to host the headquarters of various international associations, along with a meeting hall to accommodate up to 3,000 spectators.
• The Library: a universal library with an enormous card catalog modeled on the Universal Bibliographic Repertory, along with additional lecture halls.
• The University: an international university intended to accommodate at least 500 students that would build close relationships with other universities all over the world.
• Exhibition space: publicly accessible spaced with room for permanent and temporary exhibits on a wide range of topics.
• The World Museum: a museum divided into three parts: Works, Time, and Place.

Otlet’s philosophy was explicit positivist, which came most visible in his thoughts about books, documents, and indexing. He wanted to downplay concepts like → “work” and “author”, and to focus on the facts in the documents, the interpretation of facts in the documents, statistics, and sources. The integration of the archives can be seen in his idea to register all facts from all kinds of documents. Although he published a lot, he had reservations about the value of books, and imagined their replacement of loose-leaf pages or publication direct on library cards! [54] Such ideas are problematic according to contemporary philosophy of science in which theories play important roles, not just by interpreting facts, but by establishing facts in the first place.

Otlet’s work has been termed “the analog internet” and Google today supports the Mundaneum museum in Mons, Belgium in recognition of its ideas. That Google shares some thoughts with Otlet, can be seen in the formulation (2019): “Our mission is to organize the world’s information and make it universally accessible and useful” [55]. The idea that “information” exists as things without human interpreters, and it therefore can be processed with purely mechanical procedures (without the need for LAMs, for example) seems to be related to Otlet’s positivism. Information, like meaning, is something made, not found, and the social processes by which information is made is necessary to know about in order to organize and retrieve it (see further Hjørland 2021).

The relation of the LAMs to the Internet is further discussed in Section 3.

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2.4 Conclusion of Section

Our historical overview of the relations between the LAMs have seen many diverging tendencies. The changing ratio of similarities and differences, depending on the chosen perspective, and the blurred borders between the LAMs and similar institutions, make it difficult to make any definitive conclusions about developments beside that their identities as well as their relations are complex and ever changing. Most researchers dealing with LAM agree that the relations between the institutions change over time (Given and McTavish 2010; Paulus 2011). Some researchers are primarily focusing on the similarities, while other researchers are preoccupied with the differences (Latham 2015; Klimaszewski 2015). In addition, the growing number of similarities, or convergence, between the LAMs is a primary topic in North America, Australia and Scandinavia (Warren and Matthews 2019; 2020).

We have not been able to confirm a claim made in the literature, that the LAMs originally were united, although many examples of hybrid institutions exist from different historical periods. The main split seems to be between institutions serving administration and management (archives) on the one side, and institutions serving science, scholarship, and learning (libraries and museums) on the other side. This points to a general conclusion: one cannot just study LAMs as isolated institutions, comparing similarities and differences in their content, structure, and functions. The primary perspective must be to study the activities, that the LAMs are made to serve, and here the great variety of institutions mentioned in Section 1.2 must be considered.

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3. The LAMs and digital convergence

Library and information scholar Boyd Rayward (1998, 207) made the prophecy that the distinction between libraries, archives and museums will make little sense when the digital revolution has advanced sufficiently:

The thesis of this chapter is that the advent of electronic sources of information and their ever-increasing volume and variety will require a major redefinition and integration of the role of archives, museums and research libraries. It is my view that the distinction between all of these apparently different types of institutions will eventually make little sense, though we can anticipate turf battles between the professional groups that manage them as we get to this point.

Rayward (1998, 213) found that the cabinet of curiosity with its integration of the LAMs represents the optimal solution from the point of view of the user:

The point being made here is simple and perhaps obvious. It is that the functional differentiation of libraries, museums, and archives as reflected in different institutional practices, physical locations, and the specialist work of professional cadres of personnel is a relatively recent phenomenon. This functional differentiation was a response to the exigencies of managing different kinds of collections as these have grown in size and have had to respond to the needs and interests of an ever-enlarging body of actual and prospective users. It does not reflect the needs of the individual scholar or even the member of the educated public interested in some aspect of learning or life. For the individual, the ideal is still the personal cabinet of curiosities that contains whatever is needed for a particular purpose or to respond to a particular interest, irrespective of the nature of the artefacts involved-books, objects, data, personal papers, government files.

According to Marty (2014), Rayward’s chapter is the beginning of a distinct research agenda on the topic of digital convergence. In the chapter, Rayward argues that the “information organizations” have developed differently due to the separation of prints, records, and objects, but according to Rayward, the differences in organizational activity, function and technique no longer apply in the same way when there is a common electronic format. It will make it possible for the information organizations to “create ever-changing virtual [56] ‘cabinets of curiosities’ in which any kind of digitized document – text, image, or object – can be introduced” (Rayward 1998, 214). For Rayward the digital possibilities are a kind of “science fiction-like” speculation of Otlet´s attempts to catalogue the entire knowledge of the world.

To examine whether the tendency, that Rayward foresaw is becoming a reality, we must not just rely on the theoretical literature in this field,[57] we must also examine developments of digital libraries, digital archives, virtual museums to see, whether there is a tendency towards convergence. Even this is not enough, however. Because the terms digital libraries, digital archives, and virtual museums are often, if not dominantly, used about databases which have not been developed by LAM institutions (but, by publishers, computer companies and many kinds of database providers). The term digital library for example, is typically not used about a transformed library or something produced by a library or by librarians, but is used about, for example, a publisher’s online bookstore (e.g., the ACM Digital Library), or, in the case of the Internet Archive, a huge web-harvesting database supplemented with documents obtained in other ways, or, in the example of Project Gutenberg, it was started by a university student with the aim to publish free e-books. There are examples of digital LAMs, especially of virtual museums, that have developed from physical LAMs (e.g., the Science Museum in London) but even if most LAMs today have web presence, the overall picture seems to be that digital LAMs, taken as a whole, are institutions developed independently of physical LAMs, and therefore they are not an indication of their convergence. Many new kinds of services, for example, music streaming services (e.g., Apple Music, Deezer, Google Play Music, Groove Music, Napster, Spotify and TIDAL) dominate the market and have almost completely taken over a role formerly fulfilled by public libraries [58].

Whether there are converging tendencies between digital libraries, digital archives, and virtual museums is hard to estimate. First because the terminology is vague and ambiguous. For example, Borgman et al.’s (1996, 4) definition: “Digital libraries are a set of electronic resources and associated technical capabilities for creating, searching, and using information” makes no distinction between digital libraries, digital archives and digital museums. If we consider the archives, the digitalization of records means that they (like library documents) become individually searchable by full text retrieval techniques [59]. On the other hand, the special nature of archives, including the principle of provenance means that archives still need to be treated differently. The Encoded Archival Description (EAD) is a standard developed for encoding information regarding archival records (see Pearce-Moses 2005, 146). There should therefore still be differences in the organization of library publications and archival records. If we consider virtual museums, they seem distinct from digital libraries and archives, although there also are many related issues (for example is social --> tagging, linked data and many other approaches applied in both libraries and museums). There seems therefore not to have been an obvious convergence between such digital institutions and services. Rather, the picture seems to be that the digital revolution has produced a myriad of services of which many offer services that are related to services that used to belong to the LAMs. For example, commercial online genealogy platforms such as MyHeritage from 2003 provide access to 13 billion archival records among other kinds of information [60]. Because the digital format can represent texts, pictures, moving pictures and sounds there is little need for many providers to limit to online one of the kinds of digital documents traditionally covered by libraries, archives, or museums. Therefore, many kinds of digitally integrated mixed media have evolved. If Rayward’s prophecy is partly fulfilled, this development seems to be much more independent of the different professional cultures (librarians, archivists and museologists) than he imagined, because new kinds of actors and institutions have influenced the information ecology to a high degree. Besides the convergence of LAMs themselves, there are tendencies toward convergence of LAM institutions with IT departments, as Finney (2013) wrote:

On the other end of the convergence pincer are our colleagues in IT. There is an equal (but mostly opposite) pressure for records management functions to be located within IT departments and disciplines. I’m not going to talk about this in any detail, but I’m sure that those of you operating within IT departments or other ‘digital’ parts of your organisations can speak to the benefits and pitfalls of these mergers. In many organisations it just makes business sense to cluster information disciplines. In others, I’m sure, these mergers are initiated with a view of recordkeeping as a technology rather than a business function. The move to merge archives and recordkeeping functions with IT is operating at state level too. Agencies such as the NSW Office of Information have taken on the whole newish cluster of functions being called ‘information governance’, including information security, security classification and labelling, cloud services and information risk management and data custodianship.

To study tendencies towards digital convergence of LAM institutions, we also need to consider digitalization projects in libraries, archives, and museums to see if digitalization of these physical institutions give rise to a convergence. Here we must distinguish between “real” and “aggregated” collections. Aggregation-based digital collection is a term for digital collections or gateways, that are primarily based on aggregation, harvesting, or linking other digital repositories. They are often called “aggregation-based digital libraries” [61] or “virtual libraries”, but since they may include archives and museums, we here prefer the generic term collection. They may also be understood as cross-institutional portals. The difference is seen, for example, by comparing Library and Archives Canada (LAC) [62] with Europeana. LAC is a merging of two former institutions (the National Library of Canada and the National Archives of Canada), offering their own physical and digital collections (and is thus a true example of a hybrid institution between L and A). Europeana, the European Union’s digital platform for cultural heritage, by contrast, is a portal that provides shortcuts to items in many separate organizations, including internationally renowned libraries, gallery, and museum collections from many different European capital cities (e.g., the Rijksmuseum in Amsterdam, the British Library, the Louvre). Taken together more than 3,000 institutions across Europe have contributed to Europeana. When users find relevant documents in Europeana, they may obtain them by click through to the original site that holds the content (Valtysson 2012). This is not an example of a real convergence between institutions, but it is an example of a common gateway between many independent LAMs.

Other examples of aggregation-based digital collections are Deutsche Digitale Bibliothek (DDB) (in English: “German Digital Library”) [63] and the Australia Trove (which unfortunately were subject to severe budget cuts and staff reductions from 2016 which threatens to destroy much of its basic idea. Belot (2016) wrote: “The library will also cease aggregating content in Trove from museums and universities unless it is fully funded to do so”) [64].

The main point is that such aggregation based digital collection are not hybrid LAM institutions because the libraries, archives and museums still exist as separate institutions, which may not have changed their processes deeply, as the concept of converged institution suggests. However, the establishing of cross-institutional portals providing access to digital heritage is a focal point for research on digital convergence and collaboration is a prerequisite for its success. Therefore, it is not surprising that collaboration and convergence are used interchangeably and imprecisely throughout the literature, to describe the increasingly close relationships between the LAMs (Warren and Matthews 2019; Zorich et al. 2008). This confusion of the terms cooperation and convergence is, however, strongly criticized by Klimaszewski (2015, 353), who wrote:

It was common throughout much of the literature to see collaboration and convergence being used either somewhat interchangeably (see, for example, Allen 2002; Dupont 2007; Duff et al. 2013). This is potentially problematic because each term implies a different end: collaboration means people working together, while convergence implies a physical or theoretical coming together. This lack of intentionality in term usage may be having undue influence over discussions about the nature and feasibility of collaboration and convergence because each outcome potentially has very different implications for LAM practitioners and their institutions.

In some cases, collaboration is perceived as unproblematic and enriching (Hunter et al. 2010) but, at other times, sporadic and ad hoc (Tanackovic and Badurina 2009). Finally, collaboration can lead to turf battles, as Rayward predicted (Robinson 2016; 2018).

Rayward’s predictions have not all been realized today. The boundaries between the LAMs remain but the digital potential for convergence was not just a dream for Rayward. As we have seen there have been examples of convergence such as Library and Archives Canada and aggregation-based digital collection establishing user-friendly gateways to many different collections. Whether or not the real convergence (as exemplified by LAC) is a fruitful tendency or too primitive (reductionist) an idea (or a way to save money), remains to be seen. The important thing to consider is whether the basic functions of libraries, archives and museums are fulfilled in optimal ways, or whether the driving forces are dominated by, for example, more populistic goals.

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4. Drivers and motivations of convergence

Based on a literature review, Duff et al. (2013, 6) discussed the following driving forces behind collaboration and convergences:

(1) to serve users better,
(2) to support scholarly activity,
(3) to take advantage of technological developments,
(4) to archive budgetary and administrative efficiencies

(Duff et al. also included two more drivers: to adapt to an evolving understanding of digital surrogates as objects and to obtain a holistic view of collections, not to be discussed in the present article.)

In addition to the drivers discussed by Duff et al. (2013) we shall also consider:

(5) common cultural policy,
(6) LAMs and professional practice,
(7) Research and education.

What is not considered by Duff et al. is that most of these points can be considered from different perspectives (“paradigms”), which will provide different answers.

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4.1 To serve users better

To serve users is, on the one hand, a trivial goal: of course, the purpose of these institutions is to serve users best possible. But what does that mean? Duff et al. wrote about the goal of a website “as a place to go to find something interesting, like a magazine. Part of this thinking is market-driven”. It is hereby indicated (1) that to serve users better can be understood as something related to attract a broad audience, to attract funds for the library and (2) that an alternative understanding is possible, to serve users in deeper ways, more related, for example, to support scholarly activities. Probably, in certain domains, the integration of publications, source documents, pictures and museum objects will serve users best, but not necessarily in other domains. An underlying assumption is that search systems can provide 100% effectiveness (i.e., 100% recall and 100% precision), and that this is already achieved in the separate institutions, therefore a convergence will provide the perfect solution. We know from research in information retrieval (IR), that 100% effectiveness is a utopian goal. To make an optimal solution presupposes knowledge about user needs, i.e., which kinds of documents needs to be made more visible to the target groups. The tendency to merge collections and databases may also fail to realize the importance of context in the formulation of queries [65].

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4.2 To support scholarly activities

If collections are used for scholarly purposes, they should be selected, described, and indexed to support scholarly goals, which means that the staff should have subject knowledge and knowledge about science. Whether convergence of LAMs serves this is probably different from domain to domain and highly dependent on how it is done. Each institution may have developed knowledge, that serve this purpose in optimal ways. For example, archival records should not be indexed by the same principles as library catalogs but should maintain the principle of provenance (Tognoli and Guimarães 2019).

It may also be the case, that scholarly purposes in the end serve most users best. Researchers are contextualizing museum objects and provide narratives about them. The objects in themselves would probably be of little interests to most users without this scholarly mediating.

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4.3 To take advantage of technological developments

This seems also to be a trivial goal. There is no doubt that advances in information technology (IT) have enormous possibilities for making all kinds of documents physically available users as well as supporting their search possibilities. But how IT should be implemented is not primarily a technological issue, but an epistemological one because IT is not neutral (see Hjørland 2020). Different kinds of materials (e.g., books and archival records) need different kinds of metadata. Therefore, it is not given that convergence between LAMs is the optimal solution although this allows for higher investments in IT.

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4.4 To archive budgetary and administrative efficiencies

This is again a trivial goal, and it seems obvious that information technology has contributed strongly to achieve it. However, it should be presupposed, that the goal is to optimize the collections/databases and institutions to best serve their purposes. Often this seems not to be the case. Schwirtlich (2013a) raised questions about the merging of libraries and archives, and Schwirtlich (2013b) wrote:

It is necessary to question the motives of the decision-makers, those above librarians and archivists who decree these mergers — what do they want? Some senior bureaucrats or ministers might really like fewer CEOs – the latter are people they only really know when there is a difficulty. An administrative change may be just one person’s idea, a brand to build their career on. Or it may be a tool to remove someone who is underperforming in some way.

Finney (2013) wrote: “Underneath all this is the common fear among libraries, archives and museums that in the digital world we will become irrelevant. That bigger is better. That we need to speak with one voice in order to be heard”. Here convergence is associated with the fight for institutional legitimacy.

This must be seen in the broader perspective of closing and merging libraries and other cultural institutions. Holder and Lannon (2015) describes the closing and merging of academic libraries. Public libraries have also closed many branches and, for example merged their former music departments into general departments (and thus loose the special competencies of the music librarians), which is related to a declining trend in library lending. The merging of LAMs may therefore also be understood as simply related to budget cuts.

We are not concluding that LAMs should not be converged or that IT should not be used be used. We are just claiming that merging of institutions and the use of IT sometimes seems to serve other goals than providing optimal solutions for users.

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4.5 Common cultural policy

According to Brown and Davis-Brown (1998), LAMs are not only engaging with memory; they are also producing memory for the benefit of nations. In a modern world with rapid changes and contingency, a shared past can contribute to social stability and solidarity. From a Nordic cultural policy perspective, the public-founded LAMs are cultural institutions that support the enlightenment of the entire population by giving access to their different collections (Vestheim 1997, 102). With a point of departure in the concept of the public sphere (Habermas 1989), Larsen (2018) argues that the LAM institutions are an important part of the infrastructure of the Nordic public sphere by supporting access to knowledge, freedom of speech and deliberative activities. Throughout the 20th century libraries, archives, and museums have shared some vital similarities. Traditionally, they are buildings containing collections that serve shared political purposes, such as supporting enlightenment, democracy, and national identity. Today, LAMs are not only perceived as infrastructure by the public by giving access, but all types of LAMs are also being used as an arena for public debate (Audunson et al. 2019a; 2019b; Davis and Howard 2013). The intersecting cultural policy aims are sometimes reflected in the changes of government agencies, such as the Institute of Museum and Library Services, established in 1996 in USA, and the formerly mentioned Library and Archives Canada. Previously, Norway had The Norwegian Archive, Library and Museum Authority (Hindal and Harriet Wyller 2004) and England had The Council for Museums, Archives and Libraries (Hooper-Greenhill 2004).

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4.6 LAMs and professional practice

There are many worldwide examples of public libraries and museums located under the same roof, but this tendency is most widespread in Australia and New Zealand. The Australian Albury Library Museum (since 2007) is one of the first examples from this millennium. On their homepage, they describe themselves as: “a community hub bringing together state-of-the-art technology, reading and research facilities, a diverse exhibition schedule and a dynamic program of events” [66].

The collaborative output from merging LAM institutions is described and analyzed in Robinson (2016; 2018) and Wellington (2013). This research presents qualitative case studies from three New Zealand institutions and four Australian institutions, documenting some of the turf battles Rayward was predicting. According to Wellington (2013, 312):

The differing professional domains create a framework for silos, but the personalities still hold the agency to determine how much that difference manifests in the integrated institutions converged organizational culture.

According to Wellington, converged institutions can work well if differences between the professional domains are considered, while Robinson is more skeptical. She is primarily considering the impact on museum services, particularly the exhibitions, and concludes that the interpretive potential for visitors is lacking because of convergence. On the contrary, a quantitative Swedish study documents several overlaps in professional experiences between employees in libraries, archives and museums (Huvila 2016). In this study, there is a broad consensus among the respondents of the main role of all the LAMs in contemporary society: they are cultural institutions serving democracy by giving access to cultural heritage and knowledge. Furthermore, professionals from all of the LAMs are focusing on their role as educators and perceive user orientation as a changing force for their institution. Despite notable differences between the professional practices in libraries, archives and museums, Hvenegaard Rasmussen (2019) argues that general user orientation, participation as a buzzword in all three LAM fields, increased market orientation in cultural policy and a collaborative imperative are converging forces for professional practice among LAM professionals. An obvious example is the collaboration on joint digital portals. In addition to these collaborative practices, each LAM institution shares a common need for mapping user needs and libraries, archives and museums all have an increasing focus on events, workshops and the use of volunteers.

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4.7 Research and education

Research and higher education about LAMs should, in a way, be the main driver about the development of these institutions because professional activities should be based on research and knowledge at the highest possible level. Such research and teaching should provide the perspectives on which LAMs are ideally developed and underlie all main decisions made [67]. Today, developments in the LAMs seem to be more influenced by computer science, or by common-sense political decisions rather than by information studies (or whatever generic term to use for the disciplines concerned with the LAMs). Although there seems to be an agreement in the literature that the core problems of the LAMs are not just of a technological nature, the clarification and communicated of research to the LAMs need to be improved.

Institutionalized education seems not to be well developed. Trant (2009) noticed that convergence had been a hot topic among the LAMs, but this was not yet evident in the education of the professionals who work in them. More than 10 years later, Hider and Kennan (2020) concluded that closer relations between LAMs do not appear in the same way in the educational field as they do on an institutional level. For Hider and Kennan, a lack of proximity is a major barrier for convergence. Departments of library and information science (LIS) and museum studies (MS) are often located at different universities and if a university covers both departments, LIS is generally located in units covering ICT and social science, whereas MS tends to be connected to the humanities. Finally, LIS, AS and MS are different research fields, publishing in different journals and presenting at different conferences. However, there is a minor corpus of literature discussing closer educational collaboration between LIS, MS and AS. With a point of departure in information science and information technologies, the LIS department of the Technological Educational Institute of Athens have developed a LAM curriculum at BA level (Giannakopoulos et al. 2012). In a Scandinavian context, the professional education of employees at LAMs are integrated to some degree. In Sweden, two universities have LAM departments; in Denmark BA and MA degree, pertaining to all three institutions is offered; and in Norway there is a Department of Archivistics, Library and Information Science (Hvenegaard Rasmussen 2019).

The potential for a combined GLAM curriculum in Australia has been explored and discussed in several papers (Howard et al. 2016; Hider and Kennan 2020). All papers highlight different skills in relation to digitalization. These include digital curation, digitization, and the design of digital information systems. → Knowledge organization, user studies and skills connected with cultural policy, and community work are also mentioned as important shared skills for LAM education. However, a common LAM curriculum is mainly discussed in a North American context. According to Cox and Larsen (2008), archive programs have been connected to LIS for more than half a century, while the relation between LIS and MS is less well developed. At the University of Toronto in Canada, The Faculty of Information is offering both a Master of Information and a Master of Museum Studies; the only department doing so in North America. Instead, some MS programs offer elective courses from LIS programs, or other departments, at their institution. Conversely, some LIS programs have incorporated more museum-related topics in their curriculum (Kim 2012). LIS programs at the University of Illinois and Florida State University have offered courses in museum informatics, defined as “the sociotechnical interactions between people, information, and technology in museums” (Marty and Twidale 2011). Another, and cognate sub-discipline in LIS programs, is cultural heritage informatics, which deals with the use of technology for the representation, documentation, preservation and communication of cultural heritage knowledge (Latham 2015). The summary outline of educational collaboration is that convergence is still at an embryonic stage and there is no clear direction for development. In addition, the relations between LIS, AS and MS are not symmetric. LIS are related to both AS and MS but there is no educational relation between AS and MS.

The different research fields associated with libraries, archives and museums are perhaps not equally interested in developing a shared research and educational field. Library science (LS) is still used as a label but is mostly replaced by library and information science (LIS) (or by information science, IS), which should indicate a broadening of focus from libraries as institutions to information institutions in general. Archives are studied by archival science (AS) and museums by museum studies (MS), but these two fields tend to see themselves as independent fields rather than as a part of LIS. One reason for this asymmetrical relation is that LS may be more motivated to expand its domain compared to AS and MS because its publications are not unique and may therefore be mediated to the users by publishers or other actors (the so-called “library bypass” phenomenon). In the eyes of an archivist (Finney 2013), “Increasingly, they [the librarians] are turning their attention to the archivist’s natural habitat of managing and distributing unique material in what should be (or might have been) our territory of digital repositories, research data initiatives and documenting the digital present”.

That LIS is more preoccupied with LAM than AS or MS can be seen by that most of the entire corpus of LAM literature (approximately 200 texts) has been published in LIS journals and that encyclopedias of library and information science mention archives and AS, museums and MS frequently, while reference works in AS and MS do not mention the other fields in the same way [68]. Thus, seen from a LIS perspective, LAM convergence and similarities are much more common than from the perspective of AS or MS. One reason to this difference is, as already said, that the term LIS represents an extension of the term library science (LS) with the term information science, which is about “information” understood as all kinds or information, including archival records and museum objects. As Sweeney and Estabrook (2017, 2768) wrote:

The LIS domain extends to the structures of the institutions that make information available and usable — such as libraries, archives, and museums, whose primary purpose is collecting, preserving, organizing, and making useful information and cultural artifacts. The field also includes systems—such as information resource management — within business and organizations.

However, one may ask whether research and teaching made under the label LIS has also really considered AS and MS? One may notice, for example, that despite the claim to cover all LAMs, Sweeney and Estabrook’s article does not refer to archival or museum studies as part of LIS and does not say anything about these fields' influence on LIS. Therefore, it seems that tactically, LIS claims to include those fields, but that this is not fulfilled in practice and not integrated in the theoretical perspective of LIS. As Oliver (2010) concluded his article, the first thing to do must be to acknowledge each other’s perspectives:

Libraries and archives have much to learn from each other, but in the absence of a generally accepted theory for information management which clearly acknowledges the contribution of the various occupations involved, we will remain working within our professional silos. Awareness of the issues and problems in each other’s domains is likely to assist in providing new insight, and new perspectives on what may appear to be intractable problem areas. The information continuum model is recommended as the theoretical framework to underpin any research which spans the two distinct domains of libraries and archives. It provides a secure basis which should encourage exploration of colleagues' specialist domains, which have the potential to yield rich benefits for all concerned.

This lack of recognition of each other has to do with the fact mentioned by Marcum (2014, 82) that in the Twentieth century the separation of LAM professions became complete: until these different groups work together by, for example, joining conferences and journals, no real integration seems possible.

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4.7.1 Different research perspectives

LIS, like AS and MS may be studied from many different theoretical frames of reference, and during their history they have. See, for example, Hjørland (2018a; 2018b) for a discussion of theoretical positions in LIS. Here only a few points will be mentioned. We saw in Section 2.3.1 how Paul Otlet tried to establish a fully converged LAM institution based on positivist, modernist, and objectivist ideas. The main theoretical problem with his vision seems to be that it neglects the subjectivist point of view, as Ketelaar (2014, 20-1) wrote:

the meaning of a record or of any other cultural artefact may be understood in two different ways: the meaning of the object and the meaning for someone or for an occasion. The first views "the" meaning of an artefact in objectivist terms as the Idea (in the Platonic sense) of that artefact, which can be inferred from the object by whoever approaches it. The latter recognizes in subjectivist terms "that information resources do not 'have' meanings, but that different meanings are assigned to the same resource by different people at different times, and that 'the' conventional meaning of a given resource is a matter of intersubjective consensus.

In other words, the subjectivist perspective acknowledges the need for recognizing subjective perspectives in the description and mediation of all kinds of documents, and emphasizes that cultural institutions put layer after layer of interpretations on their objects and that these layers should be made as transparent as possible for the users. The subjectivist perspective is probably better understood in AS and MS compared to LIS, and it implies thinking about convergence that is vastly different from that of Paul Otlet. Again Ketelaar (2014, 18) has an important point:

Reflecting on integrative practice between galleries, libraries, archives and museums involves thinking about the characteristics the commonalities, the differences and distinctions, the convergence; and divergences between at least four constituents: GLAM materials, GLAM users, GLAM professionals, and GLAM institutions. In the abundant literature the order is mostly reversed, starting with GLAM as institutions. However, I would like to present some reflections on: what is used, by whom and why, curated and managed by whom, and in what institutional setting?

Another issue is important to consider. LAMs should, of course, serve the users the best possible ways. However, much “user-orienting” in LAM research may be associated with commercialization of the LAM institutions. A contemporary trend in the convergence of LAMs seems to be that they all face a pressure to document increasing statistics about their use. This may not in itself be a bad thing, but it comes with a risk of increasing populism and downplaying of critically important functions, that are serving minorities (and all research activities are highly specialized and thus represent minorities). LAM institutions have always served highly specialized functions and should also do so in the future. For such functions, tendencies towards commercialization, populism and “userism” seem poisonous.

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5. The critique of convergence

Zerubavel (1996) used the term “lumping” about the mental process of grouping “similar” things together in distinct clusters and the term “splitting” about separating “different” clusters from one another. The terms “similar” and “different” are in quotes because it is a main point by Zerubavel that what is considered similar and different is neither personal nor logical but is based on a social construction of what has been considered important characteristics of the things. Klimaszewski (2015) use these concepts and the underlying view to consider tendencies to lump LAMs respective to split them to provide a critically analysis on the converge of these institutions. He wrote:

The process of lumping and splitting, then, is not the result of a recognition of innate sameness or difference to be found within the things themselves but, rather, a reflection of ideas about sameness and difference that we have been socialized to see. Therefore, who is doing the lumping and splitting (and why) is as relevant as what is being lumped or split. (Klimaszewski 2015, 352)

In contrast to the many authors who tend to lump the LAMs, Klimaszewski (2015, 350-1) wrote:

It is by no means a stretch to say that libraries, archives, and museums (LAMs) are different types of institutions. They are seen as being “split”, to use Eviatar Zerubavel’s (1996) term, both because they are conceptually different and because they exist as physically separate entities even when they are organized within the same overarching structure. For instance, a university might have a museum, a library, and an archive, but it is likely that each will be run relatively autonomously because each employs a different approach to practice.

Klimaszewski found that different narratives emerge based on whether authors are “insiders” (practitioners) or “outsiders” (researchers, grant-funding agencies, and policy makers), where outsiders were the ones emphasizing the similarities whereas insiders emphasized the differences among the LAMs. Researchers on digital convergence and the public servants focusing on rationalization and marketization are both lumping, while Robinson’s (2012; 2016; 2018; 2019) persistent pointing out of the differences between libraries, archives and museums is an example of splitting.

The overall impression of reading Klimaszewski’s article is that “the devil is in the detail”: it is easy to say that all institutions are about, for example, memory or information, but the way they have to carry out their tasks are different, and such differences are not understood and recognized by “outsiders”. One of the supporting arguments comes from Robinson (2012), who argued

that, rather than revealing the essential affiliation between museums, libraries and archives, their sweeping classification as ‘memory institutions’ in the public sector and the academy oversimplifies the concept of memory, and marginalises domain-specific approaches to the cataloguing, description, interpretation and deployment of collections that lead museums, libraries and archives to engage with history, meaning and memory in significantly different ways.

Other critiques are the lack of empirical evidence and theoretical foundation. Concerning empirical evidence Duff et al. (2013) found that “little research exists documenting the experiences of these institutions as they engage in different forms of collaboration and convergence”, while Klimaszewski (2015, 364) found: “While the current story of LAMs is of a convergence driven by idealism, it often lacks a critical assessment of the role of technology and assumes user needs as opposed to relying on evidence-based impact studies. For now, the effects and outcomes of the current trend toward lumping LAMs remains to be seen”.

About the lack of theoretical foundation of the reason for convergence, Willey (2017) wrote

An examination of papers devoted to the convergence of LAMs shows that while they do not directly address theory and scholarly publishing, they do suggest that distinct professional identities can be considered a barrier to convergence. It is concluded that while LAMs may be converging in some areas, they are not converging in the area of theory, possibly due to a desire to maintain discrete professional identities and low engagement with theory by some archivists.

Hvenegaard Rasmussen (2019, 1268-9) found:

For all publicly funded cultural institutions, new public management is a step toward decreased autonomy, because actors outside of the cultural field are primarily defining the efficiency of practice and the quality of content. Furthermore, the instrumentalization of cultural policy potentially poses a threat to the autonomy of the cultural field.
[…] if the field has less autonomy, the main driver will normally come from environmental conditions. Such an external driver can be digital solutions per se, but it can also be the new spirit of capitalism or the participatory turn. As is apparent from this paper, most drivers of convergence are related to environmental conditions due to a lack of autonomy.

Both these quotes suggest that the main drivers for convergence do not come from research and theory, and therefore lack a solid basis in knowledge about the best way of developing these institutions.

Klimaszewski (2015) also used the term “technological determinism” about the convergence of LAMs (but without defining or discussing this term; for a brief introduction see endnote 69). Perhaps it is sufficient here to say that this concept is used about the view that convergence is perceived as an inescapable fact and represents the “outsiders”, which, as explained above, neglect a deeper examination of the kinds of knowledge needed for an optimal management of the institutions, implying, of course, an examination of what different goals they shall fulfill. In this respect, a quote from Vårheim, Skare and Stokstad (2020, 136) is relevant:

Digitization would cause — it was expected — that all the documents we surround ourselves with will eventually be retrievable in the same digital format, and that the differences between formats and media will, therefore, disappear: “Digitization makes the signals themselves equal, regardless of what kind of information or communication they represent. As a result, it was assumed that convergence would take place” (Fagerjord and Storsul 2007, 20).

Fagerjord and Storsul (2007, 27) wrote, that despite such criticisms (also raised by Bolter and Grusin 1999, Manovich 2001 and Noll 2003) and despite the empirical basis for the assumptions of convergence being questionable, the concept of convergence remains strong in political, economic, and academic circles.

Considered retrospectively, it seems as research from the first decade after the millennium overemphasizes the effect of digitalization. Although Rayward (1998) was right about the possibilities for common digital access to cultural heritage, borders between the LAMs remain. As Rayward, and many other researchers, predicted, we are not witnessing a fundamental convergence, not even in a digital environment.

On a general level, the convergence discourse between the LAMs echoes a broader discourse of digitalization. In the advancement of the Internet, the new digital possibilities were perceived as positive forces supporting democracy, diversity etc. In time, the positive forces have lost pace and the critique increases (Lindgren 2017; Cannon 2013; Klimaszewski 2015). Secondly, institutional convergence has been expounded because of increasing marketization in cultural policy and government of the heritage sector. For some researchers, such as VanderBerg (2012) and Beasley (2007), the focus on convergence is primarily an attempt to rebrand libraries, archives, and museums. VanderBerg (2012, 136) wrote:

a more pointed examination of archives in museums provides grounds to question the ability of technology to facilitate deep-rooted collaboration. This reading of the history of LAMs and their current challenges raises a concern that convergence is nothing more than a rebranding exercise, in which archives appear vulnerable to lose their defining characteristics.

According to Cannon (2013) and Robinson (2018), the main driver for mergers of LAMs has been to lower the cost of public governance and the day-to-day running of the LAMs.

According to the deceased Canadian archivist Terry Cook, the focus on LAM convergence is a “disease” and there is a revival of “The war of independence” in the wake of mergers between several LAM institutions in Canada (Cannon 2013). This concern about being absorbed in huge institutions is common in LAM literature when written from an archival point of view. With a point of departure in a merger of an archive and a museum, Jones (1997) entitled his article “Archives and Museums – Threat or Opportunity?” And found that there are many benefits from merger, but that “it is important to stress the need for maintaining the distinctions between archivists and other professions. Archivists should be justly proud of their own specialist skills and knowledge, and not be drawn too readily into sacrificing this identity for the undoubted benefits of closer co-operation and integration”.

For Marsden (2001, 20), one conclusion is: “The disadvantages are also well known: domination by a larger partner, usually the library, the exasperation of trying to persuade librarians to understand archival needs, and pressure to accept unsuitable working arrangements and IT provision”. On this basis, it is not surprising that archivists in an Australian study are the most negative profession when it comes to increased collaboration between the LAMs (Howard et al. 2016).

Ketelaar (2014, 28) provided the following point of view:

It strikes me that most, if not all, successful mergers between libraries and archives, sometimes with a museum too, have not happened at a national level, top down, but in places where they are embedded in a local or regional community with a strong sense of identification, self-understanding and commonality, like Friesland, Québec, and Tasmania.

The picture is confused because people tend to become enthusiastic when budgets are increasing and negative when they are decreasing [70]. The convergence movement started with many well-funded projects, but often ended with budget cuts. The official descriptions of the convergence projects are, of course, enthusiastically described, but who has examined the real effects?

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6. Concluding remarks

The literature tends to consider the convergence between libraries, archives, and museums as the object of research. An important issue is, however, that the focus needs to be extended to the “information ecology” as a whole. There are other institutions involved, including publishers, databases, and other media. We have seen, for example, how former independent music departments in public libraries have been closed or merged with lending divisions, because of the challenges met from new providers of digital music services. The development has therefore not just been about the merging of LAMs but also merging within such institutions. The merging of, for example, a music department, with a general lending division means a loss of qualified staff dealing with music. The qualifications needed for working as a librarian in, say a children's library are vastly different from those needed for working in a music department, although they both belong to public libraries. Therefore, already libraries, archives and museums are, as we also saw in Section 1.2, abstract concepts, lumping a range of quite different institutions. There are also, at the least in some countries, tendencies to concentrate institutions in larger units (e.g., by the closing of branch libraries). The development of these institutions therefore needs to be considered from a broader perspective.

In the beginning of the article, we characterized LAMs as “collecting institutions”, but as we have seen, there has been a tendency in libraries to develop “from collections to connections” because libraries increasingly go from physical materials of their own to offer users access to publisher’s “digital libraries”. Similar developments may, to a lesser degree, also take place in relation to archives and museums. This means that physical collections become a less important characteristics and concern in considering the functions of different kinds of “information institutions”.

In public libraries the circulation of physical materials tends to decrease, while the circulation of online materials tends to increase and the number of physical visits to the libraries seems to stabilize at a high level (according to Statistics Denmark; see also Vårheim et al. 2020). With 37.4 million visitors in 2019 public libraries are still among the most visited cultural institutions in Denmark. In line with such tendencies, Audunson et al. (2020) among other researchers consider the main role for both libraries and LAM institutions in general to be “democratic spaces” or “low intensive meeting places”. Editor-in-chief of the Danish newspaper Politiken, Christian Jensen (2021, here translated from Danish), formulated a similar point of view:

Has the library as an institution not become its own museum? No, even if the lending of physical books decreases, the number of visits nationwide increases. The library has every opportunity to become the provincial towns' cultural houses with theater performances and concerts in addition to lending books and music. Precisely in a digital age marked by misinformation and increasing social isolation, it is more than ever crucial that a wide range of cultural offerings and verified information from books and credible media are made available to the population.
One can discuss whether the DKK 10 million that the government will invest in libraries annually can lift that task. But you can hardly make yourself an opponent of the plan if you want to do well for both the culture, the enlightenment and the province.

A function of public libraries as “low intensive meeting places” can be confronted with a vision as an institution that “maintains and strengthen the status of public libraries as an irreplaceable element in Denmark's position of strength in a globalized world” [71].

We may ask how Audunson’s view on libraries and other LAM institutions corresponds to research and education in LIS? Bjørklund, and Audunson (2021) made a survey of qualification requirements in Norwegian public libraries as they were described in job advertisements and found “that a development has taken place with a reduced weight on library education and an increased weight on personal and interpersonal traits between 2005 and 2015. […] The tendency not to ask for library education is strongest with the very small authorities and a few very large cities”.

A hypothesis is therefore, that the focus of libraries (and to a lesser degree other LAMs) as institutions with the focus on creating “democratic spaces” or “low intensive meeting places” may not require people educated in LIS (or AS, MS), whereas the focus of learning and information provision might. From the perspective of LIS, AS and MS, the question is which approach is needed to develop a practice that is informed by research in these fields?

Audunson and Aabø (2013) found that three issues need to be separated:

The relevancy of librarianship as an institutionalized profession and the relevancy of libraries as institutionalized organizations are two different issues. Librarianship might be relevant or irrelevant independent of the relevancy of libraries, just as journalism might be a relevant or irrelevant profession independent of the relevancy of traditional newspapers. Discussing the relevancy of libraries and the relationship between profession and institution is a third topic.

And further:

That which constitutes library and information science as a distinct science and demarcates it from other scientific fields also preoccupied with information, is its links with a professional field — information professional — with the mission of organizing collections of knowledge in order to optimize access, mediating from these collections etc. […]
It is, however, crucial to underline that we are preoccupied with the links between information science and librarianship as an institutionalized profession, not libraries as an institutionalized organizational form.

Audunson (2018, 358) wrote about the need for professional librarians:

We see that clearly in the disciplines most dependent upon basing their research and practice on updated knowledge, e.g., medicine. There, librarians with the competencies need to perform systematic searches, securing that one finds that which is relevant, are indispensable parts of clinical teams and research groups. Educational program in LIS must see to it that we educate librarians with these competencies.

This is an example, contrary to the one focusing on “low intensive meeting places”, in which deep professional skills are necessary, and it corresponds very well with the traditional role of information specialists to be qualified in literature searching, bibliographical databases and to help developing users’ “information competency”. This is, however, connected to theoretical issues, about the knowledge and technologies needed. Are specific information qualifications still needed after Google? Hjørland (2021) argues that Google and the dominant tradition in IR research are based on assumptions, which should be challenged. Simplified we can say that whereas traditional IR research try to match words in documents and queries, thus taking an atomistic approach, LIS, AS and MS tend to approach the mediating problem from a holistic approach, in which specific fields of knowledge, cultural norms, literatures, traditions and different “paradigms” are natural points of departure. Bazerman (2012) made the same point writing that digital technologies can readily draw together heterogeneous pieces from heterogeneous circumstances, but for many purposes the users need to understand provenance, genre, activity context, and social and institutional structures from which the information arises and in which it is intended to be used.

Where does this leave the issue about LAMs and the interests in their possible convergence? We have seen that there have been many attempts to unite these institutions (and the studies of them) under one label, whether called “documentation centers”, “information institutions”, “memory institutions”, “cultural heritage institutions” or other terms. LAMs are similar in some ways and different in other ways. Many attempts to combine them, has, as Robinson (2012) exemplified, tended to neglect important differences. It is important that these institutions learn from each other, but it is equally important that core characteristics of each field are maintained. Many attempts to unite the institutions and previous attempts to develop an overall “information science” (or whatever it has been called) seem based on too reductionist (or imperialist) perspectives. This should not be an argument, however, not to cooperate about developing a field of study based on a common theoretical framework. The name for this field should not be the names of some institutions, because, as Audunson and Aabø (2013) argued,

It is […] crucial to underline that we are preoccupied with the links between information science and librarianship as an institutionalized profession, not libraries as an institutionalized organizational form.

The same is true for archival science and museum studies. The digital development challenges existing institutions, systems, and processes. We should not be constrained by the existing institutions and practices but must focus on how to provide systems and services that serve the users. This is not primarily a technical issue but is intimately connected to an understanding of the value and relevance of what is mediated.

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